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TEN CHAPTERS IN \ >c_ 



THE LIFE 



OF 



JOHN HANCOCK. 



NOW FIRST PUBLISHED SINCE 1789. 






NEW YORK: ^iJL^^ 

1857. 



By Tr".' 
•fAY 14 1310 



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THE 



r 

^ WRITINGS 






LACO, 



As published iu the Massachusetts Centinel, in the 
months of February and March, 1789, with the addition of 
No. VII., which was omitted. 



The Liberty of the Press is essential to the Security of Freedom 
in a State, it ought not, therefore, to be restrained in this Com- 
monwealth. 

Massachusetts Bill of Rights. 



■55-I* 



Printed at Boston, 1789. 



THE 



WRITINGS OF LACO. 



NO. I. 



The time for the election of Governour, &c., is 
near, and much has been, and will be said, to influ- 
ence our votes in favour of the present Chief Magis- 
trate. We are told, by his advocates, that he is the 
saviour of our country — that he has expended his 
estate and his health in its defence, and that we are 
indebted to him for all we have, and now enjoy, as 
a free people. And he himself has lately told the 
Legislature, that he is open and undisguised in his 
politicks. If it be true, that he has been a steady, 
uniform patriot, and has devoted his time, his health, 
and his estate to the publick service, he has cer- 
tainly a strong claim to our gratitude, and may 
justly expect a general vote in his favour at the 
ensuing election — but if popular applause has been 
the alone object of his pursuit — if his health and 
estate has been devoted to this alone, and the pub- 
lick good has had no influence upon his political 



conduct, we can be under no particular obligations 
to him, and are at full liberty to vote for the man 
that we may think best qualified to promote the 
publick felicity. To determine rightly upon this 
important question, we must enter carefully into 
his political character and conduct ; and with can- 
dour consider his actions in publick life. In doing 
this, I care not to enter into a very minute detail 
of his doings as a publick man ; but to touch only 
upon particular, important parts of his conduct, 
and to mark out the general leading principles of 
action with him ; nor shall I think it proper, in the 
course of my narrative, to notice any attacks from 
hireling scribblers, or to attempt to answer any who 
do not deny the FACTS I may state, or contradict 
the OBSERVATIONS I may make as I go along. 
Mr. H., by the death of his uncle, becaii.e pos- 
sessed of a large estate. He was thought to have 
some of the exterior graces necessary to form a 
popular character, and he early discovered a strong 
inclination for popular applause. These qualities 
rendered him a proper object for the effective pa- 
triots of the day to bring forward to favour their 
views. They availed themselves of his great desire 
for popularity, and they represented him as a man 
useful in the cause of liberty, to give him import- 
ance in the eyes of the people — his vanity favoured 
their views — he was captivated with the idea of being 
a publick man — a man of the people — and he was 



lavish of his money, and in his attention to the people, 
to gain their affections. To render him conspicuous, 
they assigned him a part in their manoeuvres, not 
important, but ostentatious ; but having early dis- 
covered his caprice, they did not admit him to 
their private councils. Though they considered 
him as a useful instrument, and were desirous of 
retaining him in their service, they had no confi- 
dence in his attachment to their cause, nor did 
they ever intrust him with any thing that could 
much injure it, by being disclosed. 

Upon these principles, and with these views, 
was he introduced into publick life, by the leaders 
of the opposition to Britain at that day. But 
though upon publick principles, he was introduced 
into the Legislature, and made to appear as a man 
of importance, he had not in fact any more effi- 
ciency, than the pen of the writer under the signa- 
ture of Massachusettensis ; and it was often with 
great pains they prevented him from going over to 
the other side. So great was his vanity, and so 
excessive his caprice, that his leaders were often at 
a loss to restrain and keep him steady. His charac- 
ter and his passions were so well known to Bernard 
and Hutchinson^ kc.^ that they could always attempt 
his seduction with a prospect of success ; and they 
would several times have gained him to their party, 
but for the vigilant eyes of the two Adamses, and 
Otis, &c. Nor did he, during the period I refer 



8 

to, ever do a single honourable or important act that 
I have heard of, either by originating or carrying a 
measure, or furnishing money for any great and 
general purposes. Though lavish of his money, he 
always confined his gratuities to objects of the 
glaring, captivating kind, rather than to those re- 
ally important, and extensively useful. 

That such was Mr. H.'s political character and 
conduct, from his first introduction into publick 
life, to his being appointed a member of Congress, 
I verily believe ; and I would refer those who may 
^ doubt it, to Mr. S. A., and others, who were his 

^ political creators and supporters, who knew every 

thing that took place at that time, and who have 
spoken freely and openly of his demerits. I would 
also refer them to the letters of Hutchinson^ Bernard^ 
and others, which have been published, for the proof 
' of his wavering repeatedly, as to the side he should 
take ; and for their ideas, as to his firmness or in- 
tegrity. And yet, it was during this very period 
that he is said to have deserved so much of the 
publick, and to have conferred such obligations as 
can never be repaid. But I now call on his advo- 
cates to state the important transactions he there 
performed, or to show us how and in what instan- 
ces he wasted his property to serve the publick, 
more than others did, of much less estate than he 
enjoyed. 

The man who claims our suffrages, as a tribute 



due to his services and patriotism, cannot take it 
amiss that we inquire into the grounds of his chiim. 
It is fit and right that we do this in every instance, 
or we must forfeit our title to the honourable distinc- 
tion of free republicans, and shall by no means 
honour him whom we favour with our votes. With 
this sentiment impressed on my mind, I mean in 
future numbers to pursue the inquiry into the claim 
of Mr. H. to the supreme magistracy in this Com- 
monwealth. I shall do it in a general way, except 
in a few important, particular instances ; and shall 
not, on the one hand, fear to animadvert freely nor 
on the other, to lose sight of decency and candour, 
Every man's conduct should be viewed with fair- 
ness ; but tenderness seems peculiarly due to those, 
whose lives are uncommonly marked with folly 
and vice — since we must necessarily have a great 
weight of prejudice upon our minds against them, 
and shall naturally be inclined to view their actions 
through a coloured medium. 



NO. II. 



In my last number, I gave a general view of 
Mr. H.'s political character and conduct, from his 
first entrance into publick life, to his going to Con- 
gress. A period important and critical — when the 
feelings, the principles and the patriotism of men 



10 

were as much tried, as at any one, perhaps during 
our contest with Britain. But with all the advan- 
tages and endowments he then had to play the man, 
and to exert his talents in the publick service, I 
never heard of his doing any thing worthy of notice, 
or of his being considered by those, who knew his 
value, as any thing more than an instrument played 
on by others. Let us now see what part he acted 
as a member of Congress, and how far he con- 
tributed to effect our National Independence. 

Mr. H. was happy in having for his colleagues 
men famous for their abilities, their virtues and 
their patriotism — men who were capable of exten- 
sive views and great actions ; and who were resolv- 
ed, for political purposes, to support him and make 
him conspicuous. They accordingly obtained his 
appointment to the chair of Congress. But, being 
elevated to the highest point through their agency, 
he thought them no longer necessary to his im- 
portance ; and from the vanity and caprice, inhe- 
rent in his nature, he attached himself to the tories, 
who were then in Congress. These men had per- 
ceived his love of flattery ; they plied him closely 
and grossly ; and they detached him from his col- 
leagues, and led him to take a part in direct oppo- 
sition to them, and to the feelings and interests of 
his constituents. In all questions for decisive 
measures against Britain, he hung back; and very 
much contributed to obstruct the Declaration of 



11 

Independence. The glare of Southern manners, 
and the parade of courtly living, engaged his affec- 
tions; and he ever appeared to contemn the manly 
simplicity and firmness of the delegates from New 
England. Thus was a member from Massachusetts 
duped by the insidious tories — he was urged by 
them, who, by assiduous attention, led his vanity 
to give up the best interests of America, and to 
hazard even our independence itself, to increase 
his own popularity, or rather to gain new admirers. 

When the important hour arrived that was to 
give birth to our country as a nation — Avhen the 
pulse of his colleagues, as well as of a majority of 
Congress, and of the people at large, beat high for 
independence, and it was found the important ques- 
tion could no longer be put off, Mr. H. then gave a 
vote in favour of the measure, and put his official 
signature to that memorable Act of Congress, the 
Declaration of Independence. 

With these facts in our mind, which are very 
notorious, and which Mr. S. A. and others can at 
any time verify, we naturally wonder, and smile at 
the extraordinary merit Mr. H. has assumed to him- 
self, from the publication of that Declaration, with 
his name as president. The Secretary of Congress 
has as good a title to superior respect, for having 
certified the copy, as Mr. H. has for having signed 
the original — they were both mere official, mechan- 
ical acts, without any responsibility, such as the 



12 

most timid man upon the continent, in their situa- 
tions, would not have hesitated to perform. Had 
Mr. H. been a zealous promoter of the measure, he 
would then have been entitled to an equal share of 
veneration with those of his colleagues, who were 
advocates for it ; but having been opposed to it 
until it became inevitable, and reluctantly drawn in 
with his vote in its favour, at the last moment, we 
ought to resent his vanity and assurance in claiming 
our first esteem and respect on that occasion. 

If Mr. H. has been so active and efficient a man 
as to merit the honourable appellation of " Saviour 
OF HIS Country," how is it that we can find no evi- 
dence of it in our published records, nor any traces 
of such an idea upon the minds of any one of his 
political cotemporaries ? Let his servile advocates 
shew us upon the Journals of Congress the important 
measures he originated — the special services he has 
rendered — or the sums of money he has given to 
relieve the exigencies of State. Or, if they do not 
appear, then let them turn us to the page of our 
own State records, or to our publick files, where we 
may find the facts required. If we look into the 
former we shall find many instances of the superior 
wisdom and agency of the two Adamses, and many 
other worthies ; and if we examine the latter, the 
important labors of the same persons, as well as of a 
Bowdoin, and others, will frequently appear, but 
none of his. Why, then, is it, that he is thus arro- 
gantly styled the " Saviour of his Country?" 



!i 



13 

I never feel a disposition to detract from real 
merit ; I rather err in giving way to grateful or 
respectful feelings too much ; but, when a tribute is 
demanded, with all the pride of vanity and inso- 
lence, which I know is not due, I feel for my own 
and my country's honour, and spurn at the injustice 
of the claim. From his first entrance into public 
life to his return from Congress, I never could learn 
of any extraordinary merit or services of his ; on 
the contrary, he certainly is indebted to an uncom- 
mon concurrence of circumstances, which led his 
colleagues to give him importance for publick pur- 
poses. Never was there a man more eminently the 
child of fortune than Mr. H. — he has shared largely 
in the reputation and laurels acquired by others, and 
has enjoyed a princely fortune without any labour 
or exertions of his own. Possessing the exterior 
graces in an eminent degree, and inheriting qualities 
adapted to please in polite circles, he might have 
passed through the private walks of life with real 
eclat; but fired with ambition, and devoted to 
popularity, he has assumed characters, and taken 
situations, which he could not support with credit to 
himself, or advantage to the publick. But he has 
become so vain of the reputation he has fortuitously 
enjoyed, and has been so flattered and pampered 
by his dependants, tha he cannot brook any thing 
like independence in others, and always frowns on 
that man that has any opinion or will of his own. 



14 

And hence it is that we find him so averse to 
associate with men of real respectability. His 
habits and disposition, though they may for a time 
make him a popular man, or give him importance 
in the eyes of the populace, are widely different 
from those great and useful qualities, which ought 
to adorn the character of our chief magistrate ; and, 
unless we are quite ignorant of men and things, 
they will certainly be viewed as real disqualifications 
for that important office — nor can we ever elect 
such a man to rale over us without doing violence 
to our reason, our conscience, and our social inter- 
ests. If, therefore, we do not find in his political 
conduct, subsequent to his return from Congress, 
habits and principles opposite to those which have 
before governed his actions, we cannot deliberately 
make him the man of our choice ; nor shall we feel 
ourselves justified in styling him the " Saviour of 
OUR Country." Whether such a change is to be 
found in his sentiments and conduct after that pe- 
riod, shall be the inquiry of a future number. 



NO. III. 



That there is a tide in the affairs of men every 
attentive observer must be convinced of; but among 
all the tides that may affect them, there is none so 
irregular and uncertain in its motions as that of 



15 

popular applause and affection. So eccentric and 
precarious is its course and continuance that few 
men of character are willing to trust themselves 
afloat upon it, lest they should make shipwreck of 
a good reputation ; but the popular demagogues, 
who have eveiy thing to hope, and nothing to fear, 
these are always ready to take their chance in the 
current, and they frequently change, by it, their 
situations for the better. Feathers and chaff", we 
know, are safely wafted about on the surface, and 
take any direction which the tide may happen to 
give them ; but an object of weight and magnitude 
will often be caught up by the shallows, or be cast 
ashore. by the eddies and whirlpools. This figure has 
often accounted to me for the continued popularity 
of such men as Mr. H., and we have frequently seen 
that the pliant twig will, by bending, retain its situa- 
tion, when, by the force of the torrent, the sturdy oak 
will be torn up by the roots. No man, however, 
will be so foolish as to say that the former is so ' 
reputable in our view as the latter, or that we may 
rest in safety our weight against the one as well as 
against the other. 

But perhaps it will be said, that if we have not 
hitherto discovered Mr. H.'s superior merit in the 
political line, we must allow him to have made a 
great figure as a military man ; and the expedition 
to Pthode Island will be mentioned as the instance 
in which he exhibited his warlike talents, and ren- 



16 

dered his country the most important services. On 
this field I should wish to draw a veil, and conceal 
it from the world, from a strong native disposition 
I have, to cover defects and weaknesses incident to 
our nature, but, as much has been required of us for 
his great services and exertions on that occasion, 
we ought to inquire how far the demand is well 
founded, and how great the obligation conferred. 

Mr. H. was Major General of the Militia, at the 
time that memorable expedition was set on foot. 
He ever had a great fondness for parade of every 
hind^ insomuch that he always eagerly sought after 
even that of the most puerile kind ; and upon this 
principle it is, that he was never known to decline 
any appointment, from a Clerk of the Market to a 
President of Congress. Having heard much of the 
pleasures of the camp, and conceiving this a fine 
opportunity to pluck a military laurel without any 
danger to his person, he sought, and obtained the 
command of our militia. — He appointed his aids — 
he prepared his accoutrements — and, with all the 
parade of a veteran conqueror, he issued his orders, 
and made the necessary arrangements to march to 
the field. — When he got to Rhode Island, he took 
an eligible situation for his quarters — he appeared 
on the parade en militaire — he sallied out often for 
the sake of air and exercise, and he sometimes ap- 
proached so near to the enemy, under the idea of 
reconnoitring, as to distinguish, by the aid of a good 



17 

perspective, that the British flag was still flying at 
some miles' distance. Martial musick and military 
movements alone delighted ; and never was the fire 
of military ambition so conspicuous in any man's 
countenance and conduct, excepting the instance of 

the R y hero, when he summoned the garrison 

of Fort Independence to surrender. But this flame 
was of short duration. — The severe cannonade at 
the arrival of the French fleet, though at several 
miles' distance, disordered his nerves ; the sound of 
the drum disturbed his muscles, by alarming his 
fears ; and his nightly slumbers were short and un- 
certain, from the lively scenes of blood and carnage, 
which a heated imagination was continually pre- 
senting to his view. 

This situation was too painful and humiliating 
for the Man of the Feojjie long to endure. He grew 
peevish and uneasy — he complained of the length 
and tediousness of the campaign — and he talked 
frequently of quitting the field. This, his aids, who 
were men of spirit, were fearful would soon happen. 
They felt for his, and their own honour ; they used 
every argument to allay his fears — to compose his 
nerves — and to awake his ambition, and were in 
hopes to succeed. But the departure of the fleet, 
the roar of the cannon as they passed the lines of 
the enemy, and the smell of the powder, which by 
a southerly wind was unfortunately conveyed to his 
nose ; the combined influence of these horrid cir- 
2 



18 

cumstances, was too rnucli for our hero to support. 
He resolved to return home — he dreamed that his 
child was sick and dying — he fancied that the fleet 
had gone to Boston, and could not refit in his ab- 
sence ; but more than this, he imagined that the 
British were roused, and he could not believe it 
safe or prudent, for the man of the people to re- 
main any longer on the Island. — His last idea proved 
at once decisive, and off he set with a quick step. 
In vain were the remonstrances of his aids and 
others — in vain was the suggestion of the evil 
effects upon the army — and in vain all intimations 
of injury to his own honour. His fears were more 
powerful than all other passions together ; and he 
flattered himself, that by urging his great anxiety 
for the safety of the fleet, as the cause of his flight, 
he might save his reputation. To favour this pre- 
tence, he flew through the country with astonishing 
speed — he inquired of the farmer at work in his 
barn, whether he had seen or heard any thing of 
the fleet. So swift was his flight, and so strange 
his inquiries, that the people on the road conceived 
him to have been an express, who had disordered his 
brain by the rapidity of his motion. Having good 
cattle, he reached home in a few hours, and the first 
question upon entering the town, was, as to the 
safety of the fleet ; but after being at rest a little 
time, and finding himself safe in his own house, his 
fears subsided — his solicitude for the fleet abat- 



19 

ed — and he enjoyed his pleasures as well as ever — 
he recounted his exploits in the field, and gave a 
lively description of the enemy's alarm when he 
reconnoitered their posts. 

Thus ended Mr. H.'s memorable campaign to 
Rhode Island ; and these were the laurels he gather- 
ed in that famous expedition. If it be thought that 
they are not of the best tint possible, it should be 
remembered that he cropt them flying, and had not 
time to select the best plants. 

But to treat this important subject with more 
seriousness, I would ask, who that had the feelings 
of a man, or more than that, the feelings of a pa- 
triot, which he pretended to have, would have left 
the camp at so critical a moment ; when the British 
were expected to attack the American army, and 
every one was anxious for the safety of our country 
and its cause. Mr. H. commanded a large body of 
militia for this State, which formed no small part of 
our army. Among them were a considerable num- 
ber -of respectable gentlemen as volunteers. These, 
as well as Mr. H. had conceived an idea, that, with 
the assistance of the French, the capture of the 
British army on Rhode Island was the work of a 
day ; they had only to shew themselves and the 
business was done. — They viewed the expedition 
rather as a party of pleasure, than the serious cam- 
paign, which would terminate in the fighting of 
armies. But when the French fleet went away, 
and the British were expected to become the assail- 



20 

ants, the matter wore a serious aspect ; and the fate 
of our country was thought, in a good degree, to 
depend upon the success of that expedition. Under 
such circumstances, Mr. H. was called upon by 
every principle, both publick and private, to play 
the MAN, and await the issue. A regard to his own 
honour, and the safety of his country, should have 
raised him above all concern for his personal safety, 
or the enjoyment of his friends and family at home. 
If he who was comfortably guarded against the 
weather by good quarters — who was entirely ex- 
empted from all the fatigues of personal duty, and 
who could not probably be called into the way of 
personal danger, could not muster resolution to 
remain for a few days ; what could he expect from 
the gentlemen volunteers, who did the duty of pri- 
vate soldiers, and in case of action, must have en- 
countered the toil and dangers of their station. He 
ought, as their commander, to have set them an ex- 
ample worthy of their imitation ; and to liave encou- 
raged them to duty, by sharing cheerfully in their 
toils and dangers. But instead of this, the General 
was amongst the first, if not the very first, to leave 
the Island, in a time of danger; he deserted the 
post he sought after, and most unworthily filled ; 
and he left the gentlemen who accompanied him, 
and the troops he commanded to shift for them- 
selves, or fall a prey to the British. Instead of per- 
suading his officers and men, by his own example, 



21 

willingly to submit to soldiers' fare, and to keep 
those quiet under the hardships of their station, who 
had before been accustomed to elegance and luxury ; 
he was always studying new means of dissipation, 
and kept carriages constantly passing to supply him 
with delicacies from hence. 

It is well worthy of observation, that Mr. H. 
after his return from Rhode Island had a grant of 
40,000 dollars, I think it was, while the gentle- 
men volunteers, who attended him, and who were 
at as much necessary expense as he was perhaps, 
having raised companies of volunteers for that ex- 
pedition, received nothing from Government. Whe- 
ther that grant was made him to defray the expences 
of a luxurious table, which had a direct tendency 
to create an uneasiness among the gentlemen volun- 
teers who accompanied him, and which was very 
improper in any point of view ; or whether it was 
for the extraordinary speed with which he fled from 
the appearance of danger notwithstanding the press- 
ing, intreaties of General GLOYER, who stated to 
him the evil tendency of such an example, and very 
justly foretold the effect it would have among the vol- 
unteers and militia, and upon his own reputation, 
those only can tell who solicited it for him. But this 
is certainly true, that he was at no extraordinary 
expence, but such as was highly disreputable and 
injurious to the service, nor did his presence answer 
any other purpose, than to create uneasiness among 



22 

the volunteers and militia, and to bring dishonour on 
him for his precipitate flight at the only moment 
when he, and those who followed him, could have 
been of any service. This however is imprudently 
stated by his puffers, as one of those instances, in 
which he has wasted his own property in the ser- 
vice of the publick. 

I would now ask, where was the merit of this 
unsoldier-like conduct? How or at what time, did 
he serve the publick by this expedition, or do hon- 
our to himself? Did he not on the contrary do as 
much injury to the countr};^, and dishonour to himself 
as he could do by an evil example ? Was there any 
thing in his conduct upon this occasion, that was 
not opposite to that of a Hero, or the " Saviour of 
his Country ? " Did he not leave those, who follow- 
ed him from personal attachment to the field, in a 
very dangerous situation, and in a most disgraceful 
manner ; and was the eventual escape of the troops, 
which he led, from the hands of the British, in any 
degree owing to his attention, firmness or prudence ? 



NO. IV. 

Honour and reputation in publick life, can be 
acquired only by a right discharge of the duties of 
the stations we occupy ; and not merely by the 
rank or the importance of the office, to which we 



23 

may by accident have been elevated. Time and 
change frequently raise men to posts, of which they 
are wholly unworthy ; and, in popular governments 
more especially, we often see men elevated to 
places, for which they have no qualifications, and 
as it would seem at first view, purposely to render 
them conspicuously ridiculous. This consideration 
ought to make us cautious and diffident, how far 
we avail ourselves of the popular tide in our fa- 
vour ; but, unfortunately both for Mr. H. and the 
publick, it has had no weight upon his mind. He 
has eagerly received every thing that was offered 
him by the people, without any such reflections ; 
and has frequently accepted of appointments, to 
which he was not only unequal, but which were 
wholly incompatible with those he had before en- 
joyed. Let him be hailed master, and receive 
homage from the multitude, and he cares not what 
is the real opinion of the respectable part of socie- 
ty, as to him or his conduct. This has been clearly 
verified, in that part of his publick life we have 
before examined. We will now attend to subse- 
quent periods. 

When our new Constitution was forming in 
1780, Mr. H. was a delegate from Boston, in Con- 
vention ; and never surely was there a more happy 
opportunity for a man to display his knowledge of 
the principles of government, and of men and 
things. Numbers of members did honour to them- 



24 

selves and their country, on that occasion ; and 
our present happy Constitution, the wonder of the 
world, exhibits the clearest proof of wisdom and 
knowledge. But has Mr. H. a fair claim to a large 
share of the fame due to its compilers ? Which of 
its principal beauties and excellencies did he pro- 
ject ? Or which of its most valuable checks origi- 
nated with him ? Let the active men upon that 
stage declare, and do him justice ; or let them say, 
whether he had any more merit upon that great 
occasion, than those had, who gave a mere silent 
vote in its favour — I never could learn that he had. 
The Constitution being adopted, Mr. H. was the 
man first elected to the chair of government ; 
and never did a man take the reins in his hands, 
with so many fortunate circumstances in his favour. 
Pleased as we all were with the constitution itself, 
and enjoying, as he then did, the affections of a 
great part of the people, he might by a wise and 
prudent administration, have secured a lasting rep- 
utation to himself, and derived to the publick all 
the benefits, which were so sanguinely expected 
from the new constitution. But we soon tiaw, that he 
was incapable of a wise and prudent administration, 
as he had before proved himself of framing a form 
of government. No sooner was he in office, than he 
began to indulge his ruling passions. He, it is said, 
made nominations to offices the most important, 
without any regard to the qualifications of the per- 



25 

sons, or the good of society ; and that the only 
inquiries he in general made, were, whether the 
persons who applied, or were proposed as candi- 
dates for an office, were his friends, and had given 
him their votes. These being the principles upon 
which he made nominations, many valuable men 
were prevented from being made useful to the 
community ; and hence proceeded a swarm of jus- 
tices, sheriffs, &c., who have by their ignorance 
and folly, injured the reputation of government, 
perverted the laws, and proved a curse to society, 
for it happened, unfortunately for the publick in 
that respect, that those who voted against him, 
were generally men of the most repute for their 
wisdom and virtue. He availed himself of the 
prerogative of his office, to hedge himself about, 
and strengthen his interest, by giving places to his 
advocates. And he has always refused, except in 
a few instances, where the voice of the people be- 
came irresistible, to nominate any who were not 
his personal friends. 

The evils resulting to the state from this unjust, 
or, at best, wanton exercise of his prerogative, have 
been much greater and more extensive than is gen- 
erally imagined. The bulk of the people know but 
little of the government under which they live. 
They hear but little of the conduct of those at the 
head of affairs ; and they see less. Their opinions 
of government are formed, principally at least, 



26 

from the character and conduct of magistrates and 
other executive officers, who live near them. When 
therefore they perceive, that those offices are filled 
by men of contemptible, or worse characters, they 
naturally conclude, that as the stream is foul, the 
fountain cannot be pure ; and feeling also as they 
always must in such cases, that the laws become 
grievances, by being weakly and wickedly executed, 
they soon get to despise the government itself, and 
grow ripe for a revolution. These, I conceive, are 
the natural effects of such improper appointments 
to office ; and the insurrections in 1785 were clearly 
a living proof of it. Government had then lost all 
its dignity, from the causes I have mentioned, in the 
eyes of the multitude ; and the evils of that day 
were the natural fruit of the seeds sown by Mr. H. 
when first in the chair. 

It is the part of a patriot, and especially of one 
placed at the head of a free republick by the suff"- 
rages of the people, to teach them both by precept 
and example, to practice those virtues proper to 
their situation, and necessary to their safety and 
happiness — such as temperance, frugality, prudence, 
and a love of their country ; and the more critical 
the affairs of the publick, and pressing its wants, 
the more necessary is the general practice of those 
social virtues, and the greater the obligations on the 
leaders of the people to set them a good example. 
But how opposite to this was the condtict of Mr. H. 



27 

through the whole course of his first administration. 
We were then in the midst of our contest with 
Britain ; and great were the exigencies of the 
State; both for men and money. The calls upon 
the people to support the war, were frequent and 
pressing ; and our affairs required from them every 
thing that was not necessary to their own subsist- 
ence. In this situation, industry and economy seem- 
ed to be essential to our safety and happiness ; and 
our case then demanded from men high in office, 
and especially of those who had assumed the 
character, and expected the veneration due to 
eminent patriots, the full weight of precept and 
example. But instead of this, Mr. H. has exhibited 
to our view continued scenes of luxury, to the great 
distress. of the venerable old PATRIOT, as he is emi- 
nently styled, and as an evil example to the people, 
who are prone to imitate those, whom they consider 
as their betters. At one period, and that a distress- 
ed one too, nothing was heard of from Mr. H., but 
balls, routs, and all the various fascinating pleasures 
of European courts. They followed each other in 
such constant, rapid succession, for several months, 
and the citizens of all ages, ranks and descriptions, 
were so generally made to partake of them, that it 
seemed as if he meant to have drowned their fears 
and distresses by music, dancing and feasting. He 
at length carried these scenes of dissipation so far, 
that the sober citizens, who had shared in his 



28 

pleasures, were very uneasy for their own credit. 
This was so apparent, that it soon prevented the 
usual attention at his parties ; his guests by degrees 
withdrew from his board ; and by their conduct, be- 
came silent reprovers, at least, of such dangerous 
and evil examples. These are truths too notorious 
to be denied. If such conduct has had any share 
in delivering us from the yoke of Britain — if it had 
any thing in it that looked like patriotism, or had 
any tendency to save us from political destruction, 
let him be so far viewed as a patriot, and the 
saviour of his country ; but no further. 



NO. V. 



It is an unpleasant task to display to the world 
the foibles and defects of a weak fellow-mortal ; and 
to deprive him of a reputation which he never 
deserved, or to strip him of virtues which he never 
possessed but from the courtesy of his friends, may 
appear to be envious. Charity and benevolence are 
pleasing virtues — they engage our esteem and affec- 
tion : and happy would it be for society if they 
had a more general influence upon our lives and 
conduct. But we often entertain false ideas of those 
amiable qualities, as well as of modesty, courage, 
&c., and, from a superficial view of things, we often 
approve of that which is directly opposed to them. 



29 

True benevolence to man most certainly consists in 
promoting the greatest possible happiness of so- 
ciety ; but it sometimes so happens that this cannot 
be effected without inducing a partial evil. To rob 
a butterfly of its gaudy plumage, appears, in the 
abstract, to be a malevolent action ; but if, by doing 
it, one could save the life of a man, or promote the 
happiness of thousands, it would be deemed merito- 
rious. Thus, though I may, by my inquiries, give 
pain to Mr. H., yet, as he has had a strong and a bane- 
ful influence upon our social happiness, from the 
weight of afiairs, and his improper exercise of its 
duties — as from wrong ideas of his true character 
as a publick man, we have ourselves contributed to 
increase the evil, by continuing him in office, it 
must be right to undeceive the publick, or to provide 
an antidote against the poisonous charms of his 
popular influence, I should cheerfully embrace a fair 
opening to give him some praise, as a publick man ; 
but, I seriously declare, I have not discovered one. 
Was I to follow him into private life, I should there 
find a more variegated scene, and might collect many 
handsome things to be said in his favour ; but I mean 
not to notice either his failings or virtues in private 
life. 

Being at the head of our government during 
the most trying scenes of our contest with Bri- 
tain, he had a full knowledge of our wants and 
dangers ; for all communications from Congress and 



30 

the army were addressed to him. With this evi- 
dence always before him, would not the patriot's 
breast have been filled with anxiety, and prompted 
to exertion ? Would not his mind have been con- 
tinually upon the stretch to devise ways and means 
to relieve the exigencies of State ? But, instead 
of this, Mr. H. was at this very period in the height 
of his dissipated course. The hours which should 
have been devoted for projecting those means, and 
preparing the busitiess necessary for the legislature 
to take up, was wholly engrossed by his pleasures ; 
and, during the course of four years' war, I never 
could learn that he suggested one idea to the court 
for alleviating burthens upon the people ; nor did 
I ever hear that he sacrificed either his time, his 
pleasures, or his property to serve the publick. 
When the inability of Government to provide for 
an immediate demand of men or money was appa- 
rent, the aid of individuals by way of subscription 
became often necessary. Upon such, and other 
occasions, he frequently lent his name, but he very 
seldom furnished the money he subscribed ; and, so 
far has he been from sacrificing his property to 
publick purposes, that I verily believe he has done 
it less than any other man of equal ability in the 
State. That it is the peculiar appropriate duty of 
the Governor, as head of the Executive, to receive 
and examine all publick dispatches, is evident from 
the uniform practice of their being addressed to 



31 

him ; and that it is also his duty to manage the 
publick business, in the recess of the court, no one 
will deny. By a clear and judicious statement of 
that kind, with the proper documents laid before 
them, the sessions of the General Court, during the 
five years Mr. H. was first in the chair, need not 
have been half so long as they were, and the pub- 
lick business have been much better done. We may 
say, upon a fair calculation, that by a proper atten- 
tion to that part of the duties of his station, he 
might have saved to the State more than 10,000 
dollars a year in the pay of the court only ; and 
have prevented most of those acts and resolves 
which, from their interference with pre-existing laws, 
or being wrong in principle or form, from the hasty 
manner in which they were passed, it became ne- 
cessary soon to repeal. Where, then, was that 
engaging trait in his character which has of late 
been so conspicuous and celebrated ? Was his 
economy then feeble and in its infancy ? Or was it 
lulled asleep by the fascinating charms of balls and 
routs ? Or would he not steal one hour in the day 
from those favourite amusements for such important 
purposes? This seems to be a small portion of 
time, but it would have been enough for the pur- 
pose, perhaps ; and is, beyond a doubt, much more 
than he used then to devote to such business : — I 
cannot, indeed, find any evidence of his having 
applied to it at all. If we look over the files and 



32 

records of that day, we shall find hundreds of the 
most important letters from Congress, from General 
Washington, and our members of Congress, that 
were never answered, though the subject of them 
required the most speedy answers; nor does it 
appear that he took any order whatever respecting, 
or had ever read them. His custom was, when the 
court had convened, to send them down a chaos of 
papers and leave them to make the best use of them 
they could. 

But the injury to the State from this shameful 
neglect of duty in Mr. H., both to its interest and 
reputation, appears much greater in another view 
of the matter. Had he kept up a correspondence 
with our members of Congress and the Executives 
of our sister States, we should not only have known 
more of what was passing in Congress, and in the 
other States, but our Delegates would, have been 
better informed of the views, interests and doings 
of the General Court, and their constituents at large. 
It is a degrading truth, that our own Government 
knew as much of the doings of the British Parlia- 
ment, as of Congress, and much more, than they did 
of the other States; and our members knew very 
much more of the politicks of the other States, than 
they did of this. The reason was, that every post 
brought regular advices to the other members from 
their respective Governours, which were frequently 
communicated to our members; but our members 



33 

of Congress were frequently, for six months toge- 
ther, without any official communication from their 
own Government. This was so very injurious and 
disgraceful to the State, that the venerable old PA- 
TRIOT procured the appointment of a committee 
of the General Court, in 1781, 1 think it was, to keep 
up the necessary intercourse with the other States, 
Congress, and our own members. If we had re- 
ceived and given the proper information, as the 
.other States did, we might, with them, have avoided 
a great part of our present State debt. When any 
officers called for aid from the States of Pennsylvania, 
York, or Jersey, &c., the supplies were furnished, 
and the persons who did it, either looked to the 
Congress in the first instance, for his pay ; or if the 
State made payment, they soon obtained through 
the Delegates, a resolve allowing them to deduct it 
from an existing requisition. By those means they 
avoided incurring a large debt for supplies on Con- 
tinental account, as we did in this State ; and are 
now free from the embarrassments which we feel so 
heavily. Had Mr. H. done as others in the same 
station in our sister States, we might have had the 
same information, and have made the same prudent 
use of it as they did ; but our General Court knew 
nothing of such modes of getting relief, nor did our 
members in Congress know, that we were here 
making such advances on Continental account. 

Both were kept in ignorance of what was passing, 

3 



34 

through his neglect; whereas they ought both to 
have had a regular and full information of all that 
passed on their respective theatres, through his offi- 
cial agency, and being fully apprised of all that 
materially affected the interest of the State. The 
amount of the saving which might have been in this 
way made, it is not easily precisely to say ; but the 
best judges are of opinion, that we might, at least, 
have avoided one-third part of our present debt. 
And what renders him the more inexcusable is, that 
he was often informed of the load of debt, which the 
State was then assuming, and of the means which 
the other States were then using, to avoid it with 
respect to themselves. 

If in this part of his administration he made 
sacrifices of any kind, to his private injury or incon- 
venience, to serve the publick, let him have the credit 
of it ; but from the above statement, which many 
must recollect to be true, and which our files and 
records will verify, I think it is clear, that he sacri- 
ficed both the interest and the reputation of the State 
to his own pleasure and caprice. 



NO. VI. 

It is a republican maxim, that publick men are 
but the servants of the people ; and it is always ex- 
pected, that those who engage in the service of the 



35 

State, are bound not only to a conscientious dis- 
charge of the duties of office, but in every possible 
way to promote the happiness of the community. 
This principle is rational and just — it ought to have 
an habitual influence on the conduct of those who 
engage in the service of the people ; and to defeat 
their 'just expectations, by a wilful neglect of duty, 
should always entail upon the delinquent, the most 
pointed disgrace, and severe reprehension. But it 
sometimes happens, from a concurrence of causes, 
that the greatest delinquencies of this sort, are for 
a long time, concealed from the eyes of the people, 
and we are led, upon publick principles, to view those 
as our chief benefactors, who have really proved, 
by their weakness and indiscretion, highly injurious 
to the State. This has been precisely the case with 
Mr. H. For good reasons, no doubt, he has been 
passed upon as for much more than his real value, 
for a number of years : and we have been in the 
habit of considering him as our greatest patriot, 
and one, who has more wisdom and efficiency than 
any among us. This idea we have taken implicitly 
from others, and from our having seen him so often 
and so high in office; but upon inquiry we find, 
that he was placed in those stations from very dif- 
ferent motives by others, and, that the same persons 
have prevented us from seeing more than one side 
of his portrait. But as the principles which ren- 
dered that deception not only justifiable but merito- 



36 

rious, no longer can operate, we ought now to have 
the veil taken from our eyes, and be permitted to 
take a fair view of his political character and con- 
duct; and to judge for ourselves, as to the obliga- 
tions we are under to Mr. H. for his publick services. 
This has been the alone object of my past inquiry ; 
and will direct me in the future. I do assure you, 
that I have frequently had, in the course of these 
papers, true benevolent Shandeau ideas enter my 
mind ; and have been upon the point of exclaiming, 
"Away with thee; why should I hurt thee," &c. 
But reason came in, and took off the force of one's 
feelings by suggesting, that it was high time we 
should distinguish characters. 

Our Chief Magistrate represents the dignity and 
sovereignty of the State ; he has a yearly salary of 
near 4,000 dollars, to enable him to entertain respec- 
table strangers who come here, and who pay him in his 
official capacity a proper respect ; and to live in a 
style proper to his station. This is by no means an 
unimportant part of his duty — for strangers natural- 
ly form their opinion of the Government and State, 
from what they may observe in the principal offi- 
cers. Upon this principle, how many times have 
we been distressed for the reputation of the State, 
when we have seen Mr. H. actuated by a levity and 
caprice that would dishonour a very young man sud- 
denly elevated. It is needless here to repeat in- 
stances — they must be fresh in the memory of every 



37 

one in the least acquainted with his conduct — and 
will long be remembered by foreigners. 

These various indecencies, and impropriety of 
conduct, and the manifest neglect of the duties of 
his office, evidently lessened him in the eyes of the 
people. To check this growing disaffection, and to 
stimulate his friends to more exertion in his favour, 
he resolved, in 1785, to make a show of resigning 
his office. This artifice had before several times 
answered his purpose ; and he now expected, that 
his friends in the legislature would have obtained 
a vote, that his continuance in the chair was essen- 
tial to the safety and happiness of the State. This 
was what he wanted to revive his popularity ; and 
he then would have made a merit of continuing in 
office, to oblige the people, and promote their hap- 
piness. Relying on such being the effect, he sent 
to the Legislature a formal resignation ; and plead 
an inability to perform the duties of his office, from 
an ill state of health, as the motive of his conduct. 
But he was deceived in his idea of the temper of 
the Court. — They wished to get rid of him, and 
gladly accepted of his resignation. Thus caught in 
his own trap he grew sour and malevolent in his 
temper. He did all he could to irritate, and create 
an opposition in the people at large, to the succeed- 
ing administration. This we may conclude from 
his own insidious suggestions, and the manifest lan- 
guage and conduct of his dependents. — They re- 



38 

presented his successor in office as an arbitrary man ; 
and they asserted that all taxes upon the people 
were imposed without necessity and purposely in- 
tended to impoverish and subjugate them. By a 
constant and assiduous circulation of such false- 
hoods, and the inflammatory writings of the " ttn- 
principled Honestus^'' they at length excited an 
uneasiness among the ignorant and unwary. 

No sooner did they discover that a fire was en- 
kindled, than they most industriously exerted them- 
selves to blow it into a flame. A quondam and un- 
worthy member of an honourable bench, and a cer- 
tain chattering changeling, who aspired, without 
merit, at political elevation — these laboured more 
abundantly to increase the disaffection, and for the 
avowed purpose of getting Mr. H. again into the 
chair ; and no doubt, with his privity and concur- 
rence, for they were nightly plodding with him to 
promote their design. The official and professional 
opinions of the former of these men, led the igno- 
rant people to believe, that the courts of law were 
a nuisance — the senate a grievance — taxes unlawful 
and oppressive — government cruel — and the gov- 
ernour a tyrant. The same sentiments were echoed 
by the latter of them with all the zeal and declama- 
tion of a fanatic preacher, at the corners of the 
streets, and in the most publick places. He also 
added, that the Constitution itself was greatly de- 
fective—that the people were all equal, and on 



39 

a level, having the same rights to plac-s and 
property — that if Mr. H. was again in the chair, 
halcyon days would at once commence — no more 
taxes be required, and like Sergeant Kite, he 
laboured to persuade the people, that they might 
then " buy a goose for a groat, and sell the feathers 
for a shilling." So zealous was the Changeling in 
exciting insurrections, that, when engaged in a 
harangue, he would not even shorten it, though he 
were told, that his patients were dying by the 
dozen. 

By these means, for these purposes, and through 
their agency, was an alarming and open insurrection 
actually produced. This was the point which Mr. 
H. and his advocates, above referred to, had been 
anxiously wishing for ; and their object was now 
to make the most of it. But the matter had now 
become serious — the citizens of Boston became deep- 
ly interested ; and they warmly supported the mea- 
sures of government. This apparently damped the 
ardour of Mr. H. and his "immaculate" friends. 
They became more cautious, but not less active in 
encouraging the insurgents. They kept up a con- 
stant intercourse, it was said, and they all openly 
condemned the conduct of government. It was in- 
dustriously circulated all over the State, that Mr. H. 
had said, that he could reduce the insurgents to 
duty only by talking to them — that Mr. Quondam 
had said, as a professional man, that government 



40 

had no authority from the Constitution to use force 
with them — and that Mr. Changeling had said, that 
the insurrection was nothing more than a harmless 
ebullition of the true republican principle — he also 
had said, that the sight of Mr. H.'s baises, like 
relicks of eminent saints, would work miracles ; it 
would restore order among the insurgents, and lead 
them at once to beat their swords into plough- 
shares. 

If in this part of his political course we have 
discovered evident marks of the great statesman 
and patriot — if he has made his own interest, 
views and interest quite, subservient to the publick 
good, let us sound his praises, and hail him as the 
Saviour of our Country. But if, on the contrary, 
we perceive, that a selfish ambition, and a puerile 
levity, have uniformly guided his conduct and opi- 
nions, we ought to lament our past veneration for 
an unworthy character, and resolve for the future 
to be more vigilant and wary. 



NO. VII. 



There are men in every free society, who have 
not a common interest with the community at large, 
and who rely wholly on the popular affection in 
their fiivour to give them promotion and support in 
publick life. They are too proud and restless in 
their tempers, and too indolent in their habits, and 



41 

capricious in their pursuits, to provide for them- 
selves by any common avocations ; and, having no 
other objects to attend to, they are generally too 
successful in their endeavours to excite the passions, 
and engage the voice of the people on their side. 
Without abilities to make them really useful in pub- 
lick life, and devoid of principles or merits that can 
command respect, they have no dependence but 
upon popular inattention to bring them into view ; 
and, having been long attentive to the popular pulse, 
and always acquainted with the darling object with 
the multitude for the time, they rarely fail to touch 
the right string, and to make the people subserve 
their own selfish and private views. Upon these 
principles we may fairly account for the conduct 
and success of the seekers and demagogues of our 
times. We have often seen the public mind highly 
agitated by their artifices ; but have generally been 
too careless and superficial in our inquiries, to trace 
the evil to its source, and, of course, have been 
mistaken in the remedies we have applied. There 
cannot be found within the compass of our memo- 
ry an instance so strongly verifying the prece- 
ding observation, as that of Mr. H. and his adher- 
ing dependents. It was a time of commotion that 
first gave him political existence ; and it was to ren- 
der those commotions beneficial to our country, 
that induced our patriots of that day, to think of 
giving him importance. Many of us can remember 



42 

the pains they took, and the address they made use 
of, to keep up the idea ; and while it was important 
to the publick that the impression should remain, 
they were so fortunate as to preserve it. But in a 
short time after the peace in 1783, when our pas- 
sions had subsided, and our sober reason took the 
lead — when we had leisure and inclination to 
think for ourselves, and no one thought it neces- 
sary, upon publick principles, any longer to keep a 
veil over Mr. H. and his conduct, we soon began to 
discover his foibles and weakness, and he rapidly 
sunk in our esteem. This gave rise, as we have 
seen in our last number, to his capricious resigna- 
tion ; and that, in its effects, to the late insurrections. 
The alarming situation of our affairs at that 
period, and the part which Mr. H. and his adherents 
acted, both before and after he was again seated in 
the chair, is too recent and fresh in our minds to 
require a detail of facts. Suffice it to say, that it 
was exactly after the old manner ; and wholly adapt- 
ed to promote his own personal, popular views, with- 
out any regard to the dignity or safety of the govern- 
ment. And the course of his conduct from his re- 
assuming the chair, to the meeting of our State 
Convention, for considering and adopting the new 
form of government for the Union, was nothing 
more than a renewed exhibition of the same levities, 
aad a uniform preference of his own private interest 
to that of the publick. 



43 

A scene now opens upon us, very interesting 
and important : — The objects which then presented 
for our consideration, were so novel, and of such 
magnitude, as deservedly engrossed the feelings and 
the attention of every man. No one could remain 
mute and indifferent, while the question as to the new 
Constitution was pending ; and every one, who felt 
no other bias than a regard to the safety and happi- 
ness of our country must necessarily create, was most 
anxiously solicitous for its adoption. But the popular 
demagogues, and those were very much embarrassed 
in their affairs, united to oppose it with all their might; 
and they laboured incessantly, night and day, to 
alarm the simple and credulous, by insinuating, that, 
however specious its appearance, and that of its ad- 
vocates, tyranny and vassalage would result from its 
principles. The former of those descriptions were 
conscious, that a stable and efficient government, 
would deprive them of all their future importance, 
or support from the publick ; and the latter of them 
knew, that nothing but weakness and convulsions 
in government could screen them from payment of 
their debts. How far Mr. H. was influenced by 
either, or both of these motives, it is not easy to 
determine ; but no one, who recollects his general 
habits, who knows his situation and views, and was 
acquainted with the open conversation and conduct 
of his cabinet counsellors, can have a doubt of his 
being opposed to it. We all know, that Mr. Quon- 



44 

dam and Mr. Changeling, as well as the once vene- 
rable old patriot, who by a notable detection has 
thrown himself into" the arms of Mr. H. in violation 
of every principle ; and for the paltry privilege of 
sharing in his smiles, has, at the eve of life, cast an 
indelible stain over his former reputation — it is well 
known, I say, that these men do not dare to speak 
in publick, a language opposite to that of their 
patron ; and it is equally notorious, that they were 
open in their opposition to the Constitution. They 
even went so far as to vilify its compilers, that they 
might thence draw an argument to support their 
suggestions, of its containing the seeds of latent 
tyranny and oppression. They endeavoured by 
every possible means in their power, to create a 
popular clamour against the Constitution ; but they 
failed in their attempt ; and Mr. H. and his friends 
were obliged, upon their own principles, to grow 
more cautious in their opposition. The good sense 
of the Mechanichs of Boston, had produced some 
manly and spirited resolutions, which effectually 
checked Mr. H. and his followers in their opposi- 
tion to the Constitution ; and eventually occasioned 
four votes in its favour, which otherwise would have 
been most certainly against it. Had those reso- 
lutions not made their appearance, Mr. H. and three 
others of our delegates would have been in the 
negative ; but it was thought necessary by them, 
after they had appeared, to vote in favour of it. 



45 

Having settled this point, the next thing was to do 
it with a good grace, and to profit as much by it as 
they could; and Mr. H. accordingly intimated to 
the advocates for the adoption, that he would appear 
in its favour, if they would make it worth his while. 
This intimation was given through a common friend 
who assured the friends of the Constitution, that 
nothing more would be required on the part of Mr. 
H. than a promise to support him in the chair at the 
next election. This promise, though a bitter pill, was 
agreed to be given ; for such was the state of things, 
that they were very much afraid to decide upon the 
question, whilst he was opposed to it. The famous 
conciliatory proposition of Mr. H. as it was called, 
was then prepared by the advocates, and adopted 
by him, but the truth is he never was consulted 
about it, nor knew its contents, before it was handed 
to him to bring forward in Convention. At the 
appointed time Mr. H. with all the parade of an 
arbiter of States, came out with the motion, not 
only in the words, but the very original paper that 
was given him ; and, with a confidence astonishing 
to all, who were in the secret, he called it his own, 
and said it was the result of his own reflections on 
the subject, in the short intervals of ease, he had 
enjoyed, during a most painful disorder. In this 
pompous and farcical manner did he make that 
famous proposition, upon which he and his adherents 
have arrogated so much ; but neither he nor they 



46 

have any other merit in the case, than an attempt 
to deceive both parties, can fairly entitle them. 
For, at the very time he was buoying up the hopes 
of the advocates, he was assuring the opposers of 
the Constitution, by his emissaries, that he was really 
averse to it; and upon the strictest scrutiny, we 
cannot find that any one vote was gained by his 
being ostensibly in favour of it. The votes of the 
Old Patriot, and Mr. Changeling, and Mr. Joyce, jun. 
we know were determined in its favour, by the reso- 
lutions of the mechanicks ; but the votes of many 
others who used implicitly to follow Mr. H. were in 
the negative, which were counted upon by the 
friends of the Constitution, as being certain on their 
side. This is a strong confirmation that Mr. H. was 
then playing a game, which these people well un- 
derstood ; and indeed they, some of them, explicitly 
declared it at the time. His subsequent conduct, 
in regard to amendments, is a clear proof also, that 
by appearing in its favour in Convention, he did not 
mean to support it, and that he was not serious 
when he declared his proposition to be only concili- 
atory, and not to remedy any defects existing in his 
mind in the Constitution as reported, which he ex- 
plicitly declared at the time was the case. 

I feel a reluctance at exposing to the world this 
transaction, on various accounts ; but when a man 
demands of us so much homage, and assumes to him- 
self so much merit, for an action, which when rightly 



47 

understood, must certainly render him very con- 
temptible, I think the public should know how far 
they are indebted to him in the instance referred to. 
Has Mr. H. proved himself open and undisguised in 
this instance, as he assured the court in his message ? 
Let him have the credit of it. — But if he has been 
guilty of repeated duplicity — if he has endeavoured 
to deceive both parties for his own private advan- 
tage, may he then meet the disapprobation he de- 
serves. 



NO. VIII. 

We have all a desire of appearing respectable in 
the eyes of the world ; and have a strong relish for 
that kind of attention, which is generally shewn to 
eminent and worthy characters. This natural prin- 
ciple, when properly restrained, and under the guid- 
ance of reason, is highly useful. It Stimulates to 
virtuous action ; and gives us a taste for merited 
applause. But if it be permitted to operate too 
strongly on our minds, it will certainly injure our 
character in the end ; and eventually deprive us of 
that small portion of fame which might otherwise 
have been readily allowed to us by the world. In 
proof of this, instances in life do very often 
occur ; and among public men, we not unfrequently 
see, most humiliating proofs of the danger of indul- 
ging in inordinate love of popular applause. When 



48 

in tlie course of events, a weak man is accidentally 
elevated, which in this country has sometimes hap- 
pened, the parade of the office and the flattery of his 
venal dependents soon make him giddy ; — and if he 
has a native proneuess to vanity, he will get to rel- 
ish the grossest flattery, and will not only borrow, 
but take without leave the plumes of another to or- 
nament himself But of all the instances of indul- 
ging to a foolish vanity, and an undue passion for 
flattery and ostentation, those which Mr. H. has often 
exhibited, have been the most excessive ; and par- 
ticularly the one which I mentioned in my last num- 
ber, I mean his celebrated proposition in our State 
convention. Who that had not lost all sense of de- 
cency and modesty, could have so publickly declar- 
ed, what many who heard him could not believe ? 
Who that had not blunted his feelings, by gratefully 
receiving the most servile flattery, would have arro- 
gated the m'erit of an action, or proposition, which 
many who heard him, knew to be the projection of 
another. 

But that opportunity of increasing his borrowed 
reputation was too inviting to be omitted ; and the 
feather then offered him was of so enchanting a hue, 
that he could not resist the desire of wearing it ; 
though he might have known, from the circum- 
stances of the case, that it would soon fall from his 
crest. So entirely enslaved is he, by his vanity and 
caprice, that he in the instance referred to, for the 



49 

purpose of extending his popularity and securing 
his post, appearedto be in favour of the Constitution 
in direct opposition to his own most deliberate reso- 
lutions, and ao-ainst the most earnest remonstrances 
of the Old Patriot, Mr. Quondam, and Mr. Change- 
ling. For though two of them voted for it, to please 
their constituents, it was generally known that they 
were secretly opposed to it, and privately assisted 
those members, who were openly against it. We 
cannot soon forget the old patriot's attempt to lose 
the question by an insidious motion by way of 
amendment ; nor the celebrated speech of a con- 
ceited Eastern opposer, which was said to have been 
seen in the writing of Mr. Changeling. Nor can we 
believe, that the open opposition of Mr. Quondam 
would have been so conspicuous, or the secret 
attempts of the two others, to defeat the views of 
their patron, have been pursued, had his support to 
the question been more than ostensible ; their uniform 
absolute devotedness to his will renders it incredible. 
When the constitution was adopted by a num- 
ber of the States, and there was a good prospect of 
its going through the Union, a new scene opened, 
to fire Mr. PL's ambition. It was thought by the 
Cabinet, from the manner of electing the Presidents, 
that Mr. H. might, by a general vote in his favour, 
under the idea of his being second, possibly become 
the first president in the Union. — This was thought 
a very flattering idea to them all — for, if they could 

4 



50 

have succeeded, the whole junto would soon have 
been in office. — 'To promote these views a trusty 
hand was sent off to the Southern States, to solicit 
votes in his favour ; and we soon saw the name of 
Mr. H. in all the papers from thence as the only 
one there thought of to be the second to Washing- 
ton ; and to compleat their folly, this same agent, 
as he himself said, before he sat off, attempted to 
draw from Dr. Adams, a relinquishment of any pre- 
tensions to the chair of Vice President, under the 
idea his being placed at the head of the Judiciary. 
But their views were too open to escape the Doc- 
tor's penetrating eye ; and they and their proposi- 
tion were treated with proper contempt. — Nor were 
they more successful in the other States — the name of 
Mr. H. appeared in their papers, during the time for 
which their agent had paid for its insertion ; and it 
then disappeared, and has remained in obscurity, 
as to that object. In this instance, we cannot but 
wonder at the presumption and folly of that motly 
cabinet, in entertaining the idea, that Mr. H. could 
among men of sense, have any chance in competi- 
tion with so great a character as Dr. Adams. The 
event has proved a great mortification to the vanity 
of Mr. H. and has shown most clearly the great dis- 
parity of their characters and merits in the minds 
of the electors through the Union. To compensate 
two of these principal adherents, the Patriot and 
the Changeling, for his appearance of opposition to 



51 

them with respect to the Constitution, Mr. H. as- 
sured them, that in his administration, he would 
attend to their interest, and be guided by their ad- 
vice. — This promise he has more religiously ob- 
served, than any one he had ever before made. 
He interfered in the elections to support the Pa- 
triot's pretensions — he insulted the man who was 
the choice of the people — he violated the Constitu- 
tion — he assumed a discretion to suspend the laws 
— he treated repeatedly with very great indignity 
his constitutional council, the most respectable that 
I ever recollect ; and he has wantonly vilified the 
best men in the State, to promote the interest, and 
gratify the feelings of two unworthy characters, the 
Patriot and the Changeling. These things are of 
so recent a date, and are so fresh in our minds, 
that it cannot now be necessary to recite the facts. 
We shall only observe, that he had become so vain 
and confident, from the general support he received 
at the last election, in consequence of the promise 
he had from the advocates for the Constitu- 
tion, as a reward for his apparently deserting his 
friend in the State convention, that he has freely 
indulged his whims and his feelings, and has 
given full scope to his caprice and ill humour. — His 
conduct has lately much more resembled the froward- 
ness of a child, than the dignified elevation proper 
to his station ; and every branch of government has, 
in its turn, experienced the inconvenience of his 
puerile pettishness. The inconsistency and inde- 



52 

cency of his conduct, has been much more frequent 
and conspicuous than ever, since he has been under 
the manao-ement of the three characters we have 

o 

mentioned. Never was there in appearance, a more 
extraordinary coalition. — Mr. H. has really no con- 
fidence in either of them ; and he has repeatedly 
declared, it is said, that he knows them all three to 
be devoid of all principle. — How often have we 
heard them all speak of each other, in the most 
opprobrious manner ; and openly declare, that they 
were respectively governed by no other than the 
most selfish motives ? But Mr. H. and his advisers 
have a common interest, which is opposite to that 
of the publick. They all four are sensible, that 
they depend only on the passions of the people for 
their places and support. They know that a poli- 
tical calm, and a steady administration to Govern- 
ment, which would quiet the feelings of the people, 
and leave them to the guidance of their sober rea- 
son, would soon deprive them of their political ex- 
istence. — Hence we find, that nothing is so alarming 
to them, as the appearance of publick tranquillity ; 
and upon the first symptoms of its approach, they 
take their parts, and most industriously labour to 
produce an irritation upon the publick mind. — They 
have then immediate recourse to their threadbare 
artifice, of exhibiting tories, Jacobites and aristocrats 
to arouse the people ; and to give the farce an ap- 
pearance of truth, they will fabricate and publish 
letters about plots and treasons. The several mem- 
bers of this quadruple alliance have all been equally 



i)6 



conspicuous, allowing for the difference of the age 
and opportunity, for their inordinate thirst for 
places and preferment ; and they have each of them, 
in their turn, cursed the others most heartily, for 
standing in their way, and have been equally emu- 
lous in their imitations of Proteus. 

Let any man review the political conduct of each 
of the allies, with coolness and candour, free from 
all prejudice against, or partiality in favour of them^ 
and he will have no doubt as to the principle of ac- 
tion. He will find, that ambition, or avarice has 
uniformly directed them as public men, according 
to the object before them ; and that to attain their 
points, they have with surprising facility, changed 
their principles and their party, associating one day 
and execrating the next, as their passions or their 
interests have happened to dictate. 



NO. IX. 



I HAVE been not a little diverted at the various 
conjectures, as to the author of LACO ; and have 
been pleased to find, that after all their inquiries, 
the friends of Mr. H. have been perfectly at a loss. 
I am a plain, and a private man ; and have no inter- 
est in the management of publick affairs, save only 
as they may affect the people at large. — I live upon 
a small patrimony, at a few miles' distance from 
Boston, and have leisure to attend to measures and 



54 

men, as they pass before me ; and being perfectly 
independent of all parties, I care not who is in 
or who is out of administration, so that Government 
be well administered. All I want is, to have men 
of virtue and integrity in office ; and to guard 
against the artifices of popular and selfish men, who 
have too long had the reins of Government in their 
hands. I can write as I please ; and can be either 
dull or poignant, as I think will best suit my pur- 
pose. No one can determine the writer from his 
manner ; for this he can and does vary at his plea- 
sure. And the curious inquirers, I can assure you, 
will never hit upon the true author, unless you should 
by accident, come at the means of disclosing him. 

I mean now, sir, to touch upon a few instances 
of Mr. H.'s misconduct, which, as they were rather 
aside from the common course of his official duty, I 
did not notice in their order as to time. The sloop 
Winthrop was at the earnest request of the people 
in our eastern country, built by the Government to 
protect their coast, from the depredations of the 
British, and to guard their coasting vessels against 
the small cruisers, which annoyed their trade. She 
was manned and fitted by the State, for those pur- 
poses alone ; and the Governour was desired as head 
of the executive, to give the commander of her the 
necessary orders, and to see that she was so employed, 
as should best answer the purposes for which she 
was equipped. And for a number of months she 



55 

was usefully improved, and afforded great relief, 
and protection to that far extended coast. But the 
captain of her finding that no rich prize was there 
to be met with ; he earnestly and actually desired 
to extend the limits of his cruise. He applied to 
Mr. H. for permission to go among the West India 
Islands, and being backed by others, whom Mr. H. 
was willing to oblige, he, in opposition to the direc- 
tions of the court, and the most earnest remonstrances 
of our merchants and eastern- fellow-citizens, sup- 
ported by their friends, gave him liberty to leave 
that country unguarded. The consequence was, that 
their trade was annihilated by the small refugee cruis- 
ers, and many very valuable prizes to our privateers, 
which took to that coast for a shelter, relying on the 
protection of the sloop, were again captured by the 
British. 

When the British had determined, in conse- 
quence of an article in the treaty of peace, to de- 
liver up Penobscot, they gave notice thereof to 
Congress, and desired that some person might be 
authorized to take possession of that post. That 
information was given by Congress to Mr. H. as 
Governour of this State, with a request that some 
proper person might be sent from hence to receive 
the post from the British. This gave Mr. H. a 
new opportunity, as he supposed, to make himself 
conspicuous, and he conceived the puerile, and 
absurd idea of going to Penobscot in person to 



56 

take the possession of it, without at all adverting 
to the gross impropriety of the measure, arising 
from the very great difference between his own 
rank and that of the British officer who commanded 
there. It is very extraordinary, and equally laugh- 
able, that Mr. H, should at one time feel so highly 
the dignity of his station, as to treat with contempt 
a French Ambassador, the immediate representa- 
tive of majesty ; and at another be so very ready 
to sacrifice his own honour, and the dignity of the 
State of which he was the Governour, by descending 
to a level with a major or a captain in the British 
army. But he never did distinguish between 
reality and appearance; and was always capti- 
vated with any thing that looked like parade. He 
therefore had great preparations made for this 
famous expedition, he hired a vessel to carry him 
and his suite, which was to have consisted of a 
multitude of aids, and all the military officers he 
could prevail upon to attend him. After several 
weeks' delay, he had formed his arrangements, and 
he was ready for embarking; but an unfortunate 
idea entered into his mind, and he conceived it was 
possible, that the British might not be serious in 
their proposal of delivering up the post, and that 
he and his attendants might be there detained as pri- 
soners. This damped his ardour for that famous expe- 
dition, and he began to think it were prudent to send 
the Colonel of the Boston regiment of militia. Still, 



57 

however, he was very loth to give up the voyage ; 
and between his vanity and his fears, a long time 
was suffered to pass away without any decision ; and 
he was at last relieved from the difficulty, by an 
account from Penobscot, that the commanding 
officer, conceiving himself very much neglected, 
having received no information from Mr. H. of what 
he was doing or intended, and tired of waiting for 
advices, had quitted the post, after burning the 
houses, and other public buildings, with the stores 
they contained. Thus did Mr. H. not only put the 
State to a very great expense in the hire of vessels, 
and making great preparations to gratify his pride 
and vanity; but he lost also to the State, the 
valuable buildings which the British burnt from re- 
sentment. Had he sent off at once a proper officer, 
without any expense of money, or loss of time, 
what a saving of money, and reputation would have 
been made to the State. But this is one of the 
many instances, in which he has been wantonly 
lavish of both to gratify his vanity and caprice. 

In a free government, the militia is justly con- 
sidered as the natural and proper safeguard to the 
state. But in order to this, a military spirit must 
be cultivated, and a proper emulation to excel in 
the performance and knowledge of their duty must be 
excited, among both officers and soldiers. A convic- 
tion of this, and a sense of duty in the worthy pre- 
decessor of Mr. H., as Governour of the State, had 



58 

led him to make a point of organizing and encour- 
aging a proper emulation among the militia. Men 
of- character, of spirit, and knowledge in military 
matters, were induced to take commissions ; and, with 
the assistance of the generals, he had really got the 
militia of the State into very good order. The Boston 
regiment, in particular, made such an appearance in 
their manoeuvres, when embodied, as did honour to 
the officers and the State, and they raised the admi- 
ration of every one who saw them. There certainly 
was nothing like them to be found in America ; and 
foreigners very readily confessed that in their own 
countries there was nothing to equal them, of the kind. 
The importance of keeping up, and increasing the 
military ardour was very strongly impressed on 
every one's mind ; for we had sorely experienced the 
want of a good militia during the late insurrections, 
and it was this, perhaps, in part, which had made the' 
military spirit so very general and conspicuous. But 
no sooner did Mr. H. again fill the chair than that 
spirit of emulation began to subside. Both officers 
and men seemed universally to presage that, from 
the caprice of Mr. H., rank and promotion would 
no longer result from superior knowledge and abili- 
ties in the profession : but very justly expected 
that his adherents would very often, if not always, 
take the place of those who had a clear right, upon 
every principle, to promotion. This apprehension 
produced a visible effect upon the feelings and con- 



59 

duct of the militia ; and we soon saw that their 
expectations were well founded. He soon threw 
the militia into confusion by his capricious conduct 
in the appointment of officers, &c., and at length, 
by the most wanton exercise of his prerogative, as 
commander in chief, he wholly disbanded or broke 
up the Boston regiment, the pride of the state. He 
appointed a man to the office of adjutant general who 
had no qualification for it but a pertness and assur- 
ance peculiar to himself, and who had no claim to 
promotion of any kind but his being a relation to 
Mr. H., and his having exerted himself, by most gross 
misrepresentations in the publick papers, and proba- 
bly by the privity of his patron, to prevent the 
adoption of the Constitution by this State. By this 
gross prostitution of the prerogative of office, and 
by many other instances of selfishness and caprice, 
Mr. H. has not only destroyed the most complete 
regiment of militia ever known in America, "but he 
has damped the ardour of all the others, for they 
find by experience that, while he is at the head, 
merit and abilities will be frowned upon, and that 
nothing but the grossest venality will give any one 
a chance for promotion. 

These are facts too notorious to be denied, or to 
require a very minute statement of the proofs. Let 
his puffers now come forward, and shew us in which 
of these instances he discovered his patriotism and 
regard for the welfare of society, or by which of 



60 

them he merits the arrogated title of "SAVIOUR 
OF HIS COUNTRY ;" or, rather let them satisfy us, 
if they can, that he has not in all of them sacrificed 
the interest of the public, by his ignorance of the 
duties of his office — by his selfishness, vanity and 
caprice, or what, perhaps, is worse, to promote his 
unworthy dependents. 



NO. X. 



In a free, elective government like ours, the 
happiness, and even the safety of the community 
very much depends upon the prudence and discre- 
tion of the people, in their choice of persons, who 
are to administer it. In vain do we boast of our 
excellent constitution, if those who manage our pub- 
lick affairs, are too weak or wicked to conform to its 
principles. A man may, in particular cases, be use- 
fully elevated to important office on account merely 
of some exterior qualities, or adventitious circum- 
stances ; but having been accustomed to view him 
with respect, and taught to look up to him, for po- 
litical purposes, as a man eminent for his superior 
good qualities, we at length get the habit so deeply 
rooted, that when the veil is withdrawn we are apt 
to distrust our own senses, and are with difficulty 
brought to believe and confess the illusion we have 
experienced. But unless we learn carefully to ex- 



61 

amine public characters, and to consider their con- 
duct without partiality or prejudice, fear or favour, 
we never shall form a right judgment of men for 
publick life, nor have any tolerable assurance, that 
our government will be well administered, or that 
we be in any degree happier for having a good con- 
stitution. The view we have taken of the- political 
conduct of Mr. H. mostly clearly confirms the pre- 
ceding observations; and furnishes a most striking 
instance of the folly, and the danger to which we 
may be exposed, by too great a reliance on exterior 
appearances and too implicit a conformity to popular 
opinion. We have thereby seen, that when a man has 
been elevated, and for a long time supported in of- 
fice, upon those principles, he may, by the inatten- 
tion of the people and popular arts, wliich Mr. H. 
and his adherents have so industriously made use of, 
enjoy, without merit, the most important stations, 
and become immoveable by those who first raised 
him to importance. 

I have now done for the present, with the inquiry 
I proposed as to his publick character and conduct ; 
in doing which, I had no other object, than to call 
the recollection and attention of the people to facts, 
which are too notorious to be denied, and of which 
it would be idle in me to go into the proofs, since 
every man's mind, who has been a careful observer 
of men and measures, must certainly be stored with 
them : and I cannot see, upon a cool revision of what 



62 

I have written, a single fact that I think is mis-stated 
or even coloured. If any one doubts as to any part 
of the narrative, let him inquire of those, who from 
their connection with Mr. H. as a public man at the 
time, or who from being interested in the facts allu- 
ded to, must have it in their power to give him sat- 
isfaction; and not to go either to the personal friends, 
the real dependants or warm advocates of Mr. H., 
nor to his zealous opponents, for candid information 
— for from neither of these he can expect to get it. 
I might have added a vast variety of less im- 
portant misconduct: every one knows how people 
have been detained, day after day, to get papers, 
that wanted only his official signature to complete 
them, but he was not to be disturbed in his pleas- 
ures, or he' did not feel in the mood to use his pen. 
We all have heard of his very whimsical conduct, 
wh'-n the Roxbury horse, &c., was to be reviewed — 
he would and would not attend ; and almost every 
one recollects the various freaks, that marked his 
conduct, as to the review at Braintree. The county 
of Essex will not soon forget his pompous entrance 
and passage through their towns ; and the previous 
pains, which were taken, by circulating letters, and 
by active messengers, to notify his coming, and to 
solicit attention. Nor will his council forget, that 
he once summoned them to convene on a Thursday, 
upon special and important business — that they 
appeared at the time — notified him of their attend- 



63 

ance — but neither heard from, nor saw him, until 
next Tuesday, I think, though he was amusing him- 
self, part of the time, with some convivial friends, 
at a certain storehouse, and he spent Monday at the 
review at Braintree. Nor ought the public to be 
ignorant of the many days' pay, which they have 
been at the expense of, without any benefit, by 
having his council, at other times, kept together 
without any business, waiting for his caprice to lead 
him to his duty. Instances of this kind of neglect 
and inattention to the interest of the publick, have 
been so very numerous and frequent, it would be 
needless to attempt a recital of them ; but every 
man almost may recollect a sufficiency to satisfy 
himself, that private considerations and his per- 
sonal feelings have governed his conduct. But 
to assist those, who have not attended to his 
political character and conduct, let us now take 
a very summary view of them from the facts 
we have stated, none of which have ever been 
attempted to be disproved. 

Mr. H. was, as we have seen, at the early part of 
our contest with Britain, a young man with a very 
large fortune, and some exterior qualities well enough 
adapted to form a popular character ; but with a dis- 
position so very capricious, susceptible of flattery, 
and prone to vanity, it was very difficult to keep him 
steady and to render him, with all the advantages he 
possessed, beneficial to the public. These obstacles. 



64 

however, did not discourage the once venerable old 
patriot, and his compeers in politicks, from persever- 
ing in their object of making him a useful agent in 
the cause ; and they succeeded, after much labour and 
watching, so far as to fix him on their side, and to 
give him importance in the ej^es of the people. But 
they were much disappointed, in the degree of advan- 
tage they derived from his being eventually with 
them. They could draw no aids from his fortune 
lo relieve the pressing exigencies of the State ; nor 
could they restrain his vanity, to make him act with 
consistency, decision or dignity : and, we have 
accordingly seen, that from his first entering into 
publick life, to his return from Congress, he always 
required a steady hand and a vigilant eye, to pre- 
vent him from runnins: into the utmost excess of 
levity, or personal selfishness. We might reasonably 
have presumed, that the precepts aad examples of 
the patriots who brought him forward and support- 
ed him in publick life w^ould have had some effect 
upon Mr. H. and that his natural levity would have 
been checked, by several years' intercourse with 
such characters. But we find he had so long in- 
dulged his various passions, and had been so pam- 
pered by a tribe of sycophants, who were always 
around him, that he became extremely averse to 
every thing serious, and soon got to be a bitter enemy 
to those who attempted to arrest his attention, even 
for a moment to matters of importance. Conscious 



65 

of his own want of merit, and persuaded that every 
thoughtful, steady man must soon grow weary of his 
being in the chair, and wish to displace him, he made 
an implicit obedience to his will, and devotedness 
to his interest the only conditions upon which he 
would appoint to office, and he used his prerogative 
as a weapon of defence, to encourage those who 
were enlisted in his service, and to annoy or intimi- 
date those, who appeared to be startled or grieved 
at his excesses. Hence proceeded that swarm of 
unworthy officers, in the various branches of the 
Executive department, who disgraced the Govern- 
ment, and preyed upon the people, until they grew 
uneasy, and were ripe for rebellion. When the 
natural effects of his own foibles became visible, and 
he saw that his downfall was at hand, he endeavour- 
ed to save himself, and revive his popularity by the 
stale artifice of appearing desirous of returning to 
the state of a private citizen. This failed him, and 
he was deeply provoked and mortified to find him- 
self reduced to a situation, in which he was de- 
prived of the pageantry of State, and the glare of 
office, which used to veil his defects from the eyes 
of the multitude ; and he soon set himself most in- 
dustriously at work, to increase the popular irrita- 
tion, which he had before excited by improper ap- 
pointments. The distressing effects of the late 
insurrections, which we still feel, or recollect, ought 

to rouse our indignation against Mr. H. and his 
5 



66 

adherents, who, wantonly, or rather selfishly, in- 
volved us in that dreadful situation by misrepre- 
sentations, and solely for the purpose of again 
recovering the chair of Government. That this 
event was produced by their agency, cannot be 
doubted, when we recollect their conduct and lan- 
guage at that time — that he was supported universal- 
ly by the insurgents at the next election — that papers 
with his name, and that of one of his principal agents 
were used as passports through the insurgents' lines, 
— and that even those who were devoted to justice, 
by the law of their country, were assured of and 
enjoyed his protection when again clothed with the 
prerogative of pardon. 

Nor has he been more wise or prudent since he 
re-assumed the chair. He has exhibited to our 
view one uniform scene of neglect of duty, or pros- 
titution of the powers of his office, from improper 
motives. He has wasted our money — retarded busi- 
ness — assumed a right of dispensing with the law — 
insulted his council — deprived the State of a good 
militia, its natural and only proper defence — refused 
appointments to good men, because of their virtues 
and qualities for office, and bestowed them on those 
who were wholly unfit, merely because they hailed 
him as their patron — he has treated some very res- 
pectable strangers with neglect ; and to others he 
has descended in such a manner as to embarrass 
them, and disgrace his office ; and to increase his 



67 

own popularity, he has ostensibly advocated the 
most important question ever submitted to a people, 
while his emissaries were employed, night and day, 
in confirming its opposers; and yet this is the in- 
stance to which he has referred us to prove, that he 
is open and undisguised in his politicks. 

But there is one point which Mr. H. and his ad- 
herents have yet in view, that is still more impor- 
tant than any they have hitherto aimed at — I mean 
— to lessen the influence, and to bring into disre- 
pute the Supreme Court. That bench, from the 
respectability of their characters, the independence 
of their conduct, and the ability and integrity 
which mark their decisions, have long, and justly 
been considered, as the greatest security we have for 
our lives, liberty and property. The very same 
qualities and virtues, which render them so dear 
and important in the minds of the people at large, 
have made them the great object of the envy and 
hatred of Mr. H. and his adherents. Whilst they 
consider that bench as a check to their views, they 
cannot but wish to lessen their credit, and bring 
them into disrepute. And we accordingly find, that 
they seize every opportunity to speak of them 
disrespectfully, and have industriously sought for 
occasions to suggest, that this Court was too revered 
and were considered as of too much importance in the 
State. They have likened them to the famous Judge 
JEFFRIES, and their official conduct to that of the 



68 

Star Chamber in England ; and they lose no opportu- 
nity to impress an idea, that the views and principles 
of that bench, are very dangerous and unfavourable 
to the liberties of the people. However extravagant 
and daring the attempt, it is nevertheless true, that 
Mr. H.'s cabinet counsellors have formed a deliberate 
system, to destroy the usefulness and respectability 
of that venerable bench ; and every one who has any 
acquaintance with him, or his agents, may surely 
recollect sentiments, which they have repeatedly 
thrown out, plainly for the purpose of creating a 
prejudice against them ; — particularly about the time 
and relative to the late insurrections. But I trust 
that the scales will soon fall from our eyes, which 
have so long obstructed our sight. We shall then 
be able to distinguish characters ; and Mr. H. and 
his principal adherents will then be held in proper 
estimation ; or rather they will then be viewed, not 
as the friends of the liberty and the happiness of the 
people, but as persons whose views and pursuits all 
centre in themselves. 

LACO. 




FINIS. 



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